Johor royal family’s influence in the spotlight at state polls

JOHOR BAHRU – First-time Johor voter Nur Bella Ahmad is an ardent follower of Malaysian politics. She keeps up with news on the economy, jobs and race relations, and was scrolling social media platform Reddit looking for the latest updates when The Straits Times met her.

Yet, a week before the Johor state election, the heated exchanges over the influence of the Johor royal family on state politics have barely registered on her radar.

“For us growing up in Johor, these things are normal,” she told ST on July 1 at a fashion boutique in Iskandar Puteri, where she works as a cashier.

The 21-year-old fashion diploma graduate was just five when Sultan Ibrahim Iskandar, considered one of the most hands-on rulers in recent memory, ascended to the throne.

Elsewhere, the running war of words between the Johor royal family and the administration of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has consumed the political discourse, with fierce debate over the limits of constitutional monarchs.

Despite that, voters in the state seem unperturbed ahead of the July 11 polls to decide who governs the southernmost state for the next five years.

For Johor logistics supervisor Derek Tan, who will vote in Permas, the royal issue is far from the top of his mind. The economy and rising living costs matter more.

“My business is on fire these past few years, and I’m pretty happy with how things are and whoever is running the show now,” he said.

The controversy goes back to a week before campaigning began, when Johor Regent Ismail Ibrahim, also known as Tunku Mahkota Johor or TMJ, trained his guns on would-be opponents of the state’s ruling Barisan Nasional (BN).

From all the way to the top against Anwar to smaller threats like Malaysian United Democratic Alliance’s (MUDA) only federal lawmaker Syed Saddiq Abdul Rahman, the Crown Prince took potshots while defending the UMNO-led BN administration in his state.

The timing of his remarks in a town hall session and broadcast as a video podcast – uncommon among his royal peers elsewhere in Malaysia – was not lost on political observers. It followed how chief minister Onn Hafiz Ghazi came under intense criticism from Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan (PH) following the dissolution of the state assembly on June 1.

But the bulk of the responses to Ismail’s statements has been negative towards the Johor palace.

Online users questioned the veracity of Ismail’s claims that the federal government was “draining” the state by collecting RM40 billion (S$12.7 billion) in revenue each year but allocating back only RM2 billion, a figure refuted by the Prime Minister in Parliament.

Ismail’s thinly veiled attack on Syed Saddiq, accusing him of being “the most Hollywood” politician, also saw backlash from Malaysians who defended the former youth and sports minister.

Instead, online commentators made repeated references to the naturalised footballer scandal. Despite Ismail’s protestations, many blame him for paving the way for seven foreigners to represent the national team in 2025, leading to sanctions from football’s world governing body FIFA.

The attacks have had a knock-on effect on BN. This is in large part due to caretaker Menteri Besar Onn Hafiz’s perceived subservience to Ibrahim – currently serving as Malaysia’s King in a five-year rotational system with eight other state monarchs – and his son Ismail, the Crown Prince.

Such accusations have even come from within. Just two days before nomination day, veteran leader and Johor assembly Speaker Puad Zarkashi quit the party, accusing the state leadership of not being able to make independent decisions and being “cowardly” and a “puppet” to the Crown.

The former UMNO supreme councillor also alleged that Onn Hafiz had confessed to him that he was forced to dissolve the state legislature well ahead of its April 2027 expiry under orders from the palace.

“I have decided to exercise political courage to expose this tragedy before it worsens,” said Puad.

Onn Hafiz has denied this claim. In a speech at Batu Pahat on June 30, he insisted the Johor royal family should not be dragged into politics because “Johoreans love the palace and love the royal institution”.

UMNO also alleged Puad’s exit was linked to his son’s omission from the candidate list.

Even after Onn Hafiz publicly acknowledged several decisions he was making on advice from the Sultan and Regent, many voters continue to view the palace’s influence on the state bureaucracy as part of Johor’s political and social fabric.

Elsewhere in Malaysia, however, royal intrigue has had far-reaching political impact. In Negeri Sembilan, a dispute between ruler Muhriz Munawir, the Yang di-Pertuan Besar, and territorial chieftains has split the state government, forcing snap polls on Aug 1.

In Selangor, Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah’s insistence on banning pig farming in the state has been a divisive issue.

While many Muslims back the ruler, Chinese voters have been frustrated that the PH state government they backed for four terms has buckled under pressure from the palace.

Meanwhile, questions over royal influence in Johor’s politics resurfaced after Onn Hafiz appeared on the May 25 episode of the Keluar Sekejap podcast hosted by former health minister Khairy Jamaluddin and his former UMNO Youth colleague Shahril Hamdan.

The pair recounted being among the youth leaders who had called on BN chairman Zahid Hamidi to resign following the coalition’s poor performance in the 2022 general election. While Shahril was later sacked from UMNO, Onn Hafiz was spared after he revealed he apologised to Zahid on the advice of Sultan Ibrahim and Ismail to “rectify the situation”.

The episode also revived scrutiny over Onn Hafiz’s own appointment as menteri besar in 2022.

Despite BN making incumbent Hasni Mohamad its chief minister candidate in the 2022 state elections and winning a supermajority of 40 out of 56 seats, Ibrahim chose Onn Hafiz instead, prompting observers to label him the “King’s man”.

Before campaigning, Onn Hafiz garnered headlines for his decision to contest all 56 Johor seats solo. He severed the longstanding electoral pact BN had with PH, while alluding to royal backing for his decision to not work together with the rival Democratic Action Party (DAP), the largest component in PH.

At the party’s campaign launch on June 7, he said: “With consent from the Sultan of Johor and the Regent of Johor, if we are given the mandate to lead again, we will never be together with the DAP in a BN government.”

This has led rivals to accuse Onn Hafiz of hiding behind the palace, using it as a “shield”.

Still, there are pockets of those who believe that while the royals must be accorded due respect, Johoreans are free to make up their own minds about current affairs.

Muar resident Ismail Abdul Rasyid said the sentiment towards the royals in this northern Johor district is “50-50”.

“If not, how can Syed Saddiq become an MP here for two terms if people in Muar really follow the palace?” he said.

Muar businessman Nor Hisyam said Johoreans were accustomed to their Sultan being outspoken and direct to state government officials and the people.

“There’s good and bad to that,” he said, explaining that while this keeps politicians in check, it also means that ordinary Johoreans have little say over how the state is run.

Francis Hutchinson, coordinator of the Malaysia Studies Programme at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, noted how rulers across Malaysia have become more influential as tighter electoral contests made their decisions more consequential. He also cited Onn Hafiz’s appointment over Hasni as menteri besar in 2022.

But he said UMNO acceding to the palace’s wishes is a double-edged sword as “this may garner or hinder support among the voter base, depending on their perspectives on what the role of the royalty should be versus the elected leadership”.

Senai voter Kat Chun said she would prefer the royals not to interfere in politics, but added that it is also on the politicians to show the will to stand up for their principles.

“They can say whatever they want during elections but when they get into power, they’ll do whatever they have to do to keep their seat,” she said.